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| - | = Laryngeal patterns in synchrony and diachrony | + | ~~NOTOC~~ |
| research sponsored by NKFIH (#142498) | research sponsored by NKFIH (#142498) | ||
| + | {{ : | ||
| + | |||
| + | ; PI | ||
| + | : Péter Szigetvári | ||
| + | ; participants | ||
| + | : Katalin Balogné Bérces | ||
| + | : Zsuzsanna Bárkányi | ||
| + | : Zoltán G. Kiss | ||
| + | : Bálint Huszthy | ||
| + | : Péter Őri | ||
| + | : Attila Starčević | ||
| + | : Miklós Törkenczy | ||
| + | |||
| + | == 0. Background | ||
| + | |||
| + | **Laryngeal phonology** has experienced a significant surge in the past | ||
| + | decades. It has been discovered that the **two-way contrast of | ||
| + | obstruents** that many languages (e.g., English or Hungarian) exhibit | ||
| + | cannot simply be described in terms of " | ||
| + | categories (like aspiration and shortening of the preceding sonorant | ||
| + | interlude) are also at play. Therefore the labels " | ||
| + | are more appropriate. It causes some debate whether these categories | ||
| + | should be read off the sound signal (Laryngeal Realism; Harris 1994, | ||
| + | Honeybone 2002) or their identification should be based on phonological | ||
| + | patterns (Laryngeal Relativism; Cyran 2014). | ||
| + | |||
| + | Phonology itself has seen a significant change in the same period, which | ||
| + | includes the more rigorous **empirical testing** of phonological | ||
| + | hypotheses. The proposed research wishes to contribute to this | ||
| + | functional-experimental approach of phonology by including evidence | ||
| + | based on measuring both natural speech data and corpora of textual data. | ||
| + | Speech data, however, normally exhibit a great deal of **variation, | ||
| + | not only across individuals (inter-speaker variation) but also within | ||
| + | the data set coming from the same informant (intra-speaker variation), | ||
| + | therefore we expect our research to shed light on aspects of | ||
| + | **synchronic** language variation, too. Consequently, | ||
| + | analysis is an integral part of the proposal, the application of | ||
| + | **robust statistical models** will also be important to be able to make | ||
| + | well founded generalizations based on the collected sample data. | ||
| + | Methodologically, | ||
| + | practices in which decisions concerning data and data processing are | ||
| + | much more transparent (Roettger et al. 2019). | ||
| + | |||
| + | Laryngeal features and systems may also display **diachronic | ||
| + | variation**. Mainstream varieties of English seem to be historically | ||
| + | stable " | ||
| + | laryngeal specification of obstruents; however, a number of non-standard | ||
| + | **dialects** have developed patterns that deviate from the aspirating, | ||
| + | fortis/ | ||
| + | some are " | ||
| + | characterized by asymmetrical, | ||
| + | (Wells 1982, Harris 1994, Iverson & Salmons 1999). We contend that to | ||
| + | fully understand the typology of two-way obstruent contrast in languages | ||
| + | as well as the nature of linguistic variation, we need a systematic | ||
| + | description and analysis of this synchronic dialectal variation (cf. | ||
| + | Balogné Bérces 2017), the explanation of which may, in turn, reside in | ||
| + | its historical emergence (Blevins 2004). Since such " | ||
| + | of English seem to have typically arisen on the rims of English-speaking | ||
| + | areas (e.g., the Anglo-Scottish border and Scotland itself) and other | ||
| + | contexts of large-scale population mixing (e.g., southern US) where | ||
| + | heavy contact with other languages may have led to the blending of | ||
| + | typologically divergent laryngeal systems, the investigation of language | ||
| + | contact and the ensuing **transfer** of laryngeal features from one | ||
| + | language to another, i.e., in (second and third) **language | ||
| + | acquisition** becomes inevitable. | ||
| + | |||
| + | **Linguistic variation** has become much more accessible with the use of | ||
| + | computers than before. This development has significantly increased the | ||
| + | possibilities for investigating patterns of variation, which often turn | ||
| + | out to be crucial in understanding linguistic phenomena. We encounter | ||
| + | significant variability in different historical stages of languages, in | ||
| + | geographical and social varieties (dialects and sociolects), | ||
| + | in transfer phenomena in language learning. It is our intention to | ||
| + | examine all these domains of laryngeal variation. | ||
| + | |||
| + | == 1. Empirical and theoretical contributions of the research | ||
| + | |||
| + | The approach we propose advocates the view that aspects previously | ||
| + | believed to be strictly external (or only indirectly relevant) to | ||
| + | phonology, such as phonetics (articulation, | ||
| + | phonetic variation), have a more direct influence on phonological | ||
| + | competence and sound patterning in general. We will aim to build upon | ||
| + | the findings of the extensive and continuously growing body of evidence | ||
| + | provided in the phonetically-grounded " | ||
| + | literature, with a particular focus on the **acoustic correlates** of | ||
| + | phonological contrast and the role of **speech** **perception** in | ||
| + | contrast and its neutralization (Ohala 1983, Steriade 1997, 1999, 2000, | ||
| + | 2001, Hayes et al. 2004, Hume & Johnson 2001, Bod et al. 2003, Jansen | ||
| + | 2004, etc.), as well as further developing our own previous research in | ||
| + | this area (e.g., Kiss & Bárkányi 2006, Bárkányi & Kiss 2009, 2010, | ||
| + | Bárkányi & G. Kiss 2015, 2019, 2020, 2021, G. Kiss & Szigetvári 2020). | ||
| + | |||
| + | Our objective is to investigate, | ||
| + | evidence to the following specific research questions with a special | ||
| + | focus on **English and Hungarian.** | ||
| + | |||
| + | === 1.1. Reanalysing fortis and lenis | ||
| + | |||
| + | English has been a very well-studied language, yet rigorous | ||
| + | experiment-based evidence is still surprisingly lacking in the | ||
| + | description of its laryngeal phonology. Stops after fortis [s] are | ||
| + | said to be voiceless and unaspirated. Does this environment extend to | ||
| + | other fortis fricatives (such as [f] or [ʃ])? Our research proposes | ||
| + | to experimentally investigate the acoustic properties of stops in this | ||
| + | position. Furthermore, | ||
| + | an unstressed vowel? In words such as //piper, writer, hiker// the medial | ||
| + | stops are usually considered to be unaspirated, | ||
| + | (G. Kiss 2017) shows the opposite. Lindsey (2019) suggests that accents | ||
| + | (traditional RP, modern British English, and General American) differ in | ||
| + | this respect. We aim to more thoroughly investigate these issues, which | ||
| + | are highly relevant for the phonological classification of the English | ||
| + | obstruent system, as well as that of other " | ||
| + | show a markedly different laryngeal patterning from " | ||
| + | If our hypotheses are correct, most (perhaps all) fortis+fortis | ||
| + | obstruent clusters of English must be reanalysed as either fortis+lenis | ||
| + | or lenis+fortis, | ||
| + | as /katz/, and //left// as /levt/ (cf. similar claims made by Twaddell | ||
| + | 1935, Davidsen-Nielsen 1969, about s+C clusters and by Jones 1967 about | ||
| + | the plural suffix). This allows a significant simplification of the | ||
| + | plural, 3rd person present and of the past tense allomorphy of English | ||
| + | (Szigetvári 2020). A recent experiment suggests that the superficially | ||
| + | identical obstruent clusters in // | ||
| + | fact, different phonetically: | ||
| + | Szigetvári 2020). | ||
| + | |||
| + | === 1.2. The acoustic correlates of voicing | ||
| + | |||
| + | Which are the (articulatory and acoustic) phonetic parameters that are | ||
| + | **correlates of the laryngeal contrast** of obstruents in English vs. | ||
| + | Hungarian? Both languages display phonetic devoicing in word-final | ||
| + | position, and our previous results (Bárkányi & G. Kiss 2019, 2020) | ||
| + | suggest for Hungarian that in such a case, concomitant acoustic features | ||
| + | may step up to maintain the laryngeal contrast, most typically | ||
| + | duration-related correlates (such as the length of preceding vowels). | ||
| + | This is a pattern that English also displays (known as " | ||
| + | clipping", | ||
| + | 2007), but experimental evidence is still largely lacking about the | ||
| + | extent of the durational differences in the two languages (e.g., is the | ||
| + | clipping more extensive in English than in Hungarian? If so, what can be | ||
| + | the reason for that difference? Has it got to do with the difference | ||
| + | between the two laryngeal systems: fortis/ | ||
| + | Experimental evidence is also lacking for the role of other acoustic | ||
| + | correlates, such as glottalization, | ||
| + | features (f0 and F1), intensity (especially in the case of fricatives, | ||
| + | see (3) below), and the release noise of plosives. | ||
| + | |||
| + | === 1.3. Voicing assimilation in English vs. Hungarian | ||
| + | |||
| + | Our proposal accepts that English lenis obstruents (as opposed to | ||
| + | Hungarian voiced obstruents) do not trigger voicing assimilation | ||
| + | (e.g., //update// is not [bd]) because they lack a phonologically active | ||
| + | " | ||
| + | Balogné Bérces & Huszthy 2018). We aim to experimentally back up this | ||
| + | claim, with a special focus on fricatives, as they have been argued to | ||
| + | increase the phonetic voicing of a preceding obstruents (Jansen 2004), | ||
| + | although not causing neutralization. We would also like to investigate | ||
| + | the acoustic properties that maintain fricative contrast in English. If | ||
| + | fricatives cannot be aspirated and obstruents do not possess an active | ||
| + | voicing feature, the question remains what makes the contrast possible | ||
| + | in cases such as // | ||
| + | the categorical vs. gradient nature of laryngeal (partial) | ||
| + | neutralization. There is little agreement on the definition and | ||
| + | relevance of these two terms in the phonological literature (Ernestus | ||
| + | 2011) and so we aim to systematically investigate how a potentially | ||
| + | neutralizing process such as voicing assimilation can be classified to | ||
| + | be categorical or gradient/ | ||
| + | properties and statistical distribution of the correlates of laryngeal | ||
| + | contrast, and whether a phonetically gradient process can be relevant | ||
| + | for phonological patterning, which is supposed to be categorical in | ||
| + | nature (Warner et al. 2004, 2006, Ernestus & Baayen 2007). | ||
| + | |||
| + | === 1.4. The role of speech perception in contrast and neutralization | ||
| + | |||
| + | The functional approach of phonology argues that **speech perception** | ||
| + | plays a crucial role in shaping phonological systems (both synchronic | ||
| + | and diachronic). Our research hypothesis is that phonetic correlates are | ||
| + | only relevant to phonology as long as they are perceptually relevant, | ||
| + | too. Thus even if experimental evidence shows a statistically | ||
| + | significant difference between the acoustic correlates of phonological | ||
| + | voicing, if those differences are not systematically perceived by | ||
| + | speakers, they are not phonologically relevant. We aim to further | ||
| + | investigate the perceptual role of the correlates of laryngeal contrast | ||
| + | and its potential neutralization in the areas discussed in (1), (2) and | ||
| + | (3), especially in the case of voicing assimilation, | ||
| + | underresearched domain of speech perception research (Bárkányi & G. Kiss | ||
| + | 2019). | ||
| + | |||
| + | === 1.5 The transfer of laryngeal features in (second and third) language acquisition | ||
| + | |||
| + | Several different theories have been proposed to tackle the question of | ||
| + | how already acquired linguistic systems (L1 and L2) influence the | ||
| + | acquisition of successive languages. These fall into two main | ||
| + | categories: those that predict the wholesale transfer of features from | ||
| + | one of the earlier acquired languages (e.g. Bardel & Falk 2007, Rothman | ||
| + | 2010, 2011, 2015), and those that hypothesize property-by-property | ||
| + | transfer where different features may be transferred from different | ||
| + | sources (e.g. Slabakova 2017, Westergaard et al. 2017). It is not clear | ||
| + | either whether it is the L1, the more dominant or the more similar | ||
| + | language with regard to the features in question that are transferred to | ||
| + | L3 (e.g. Khul & Iverson 1995). | ||
| + | |||
| + | To date, most experimental evidence in support of the mentioned theories | ||
| + | relate to morphosyntactic phenomena, while the transfer of phonological | ||
| + | features to L3 remains relatively understudied. As for the acquisition | ||
| + | of voicing by adult learners, a number of studies deal with L2 English | ||
| + | or L2 Spanish in the production of native speakers of English. Other | ||
| + | interlanguages are much less explored. Studies on L3 laryngeal systems | ||
| + | are scarce (Simon & Leuschner 2010) . | ||
| + | |||
| + | Since Hungarian and English represent different voicing systems (true | ||
| + | voice language with regressive voicing assimilation vs. aspirating | ||
| + | language with progressive voicing assimilation), | ||
| + | the related phonological properties provide suitable testing ground for | ||
| + | the predictions of the above-mentioned models. We aim to analyse the | ||
| + | speech of native Hungarian learners who are proficient L2 English | ||
| + | speakers in L3 German (aspirating language with progressive voicing | ||
| + | assimilation) and L3 Spanish (voicing language with RVA and partial | ||
| + | sonorant voicing). | ||
| + | |||
| + | === 1.6 The diachronic aspect of laryngeal features of earlier English | ||
| + | |||
| + | Lass (1975, 2000) and Ringe & Taylor (2014) claim that (pre-)Old English | ||
| + | had phonemically opposing voiceless and voiced stops (p b/v t d k g/ɣ), | ||
| + | as well as voiceless fricatives (*f *θ *s *h), but no voiced | ||
| + | fricatives phonologically, | ||
| + | voicing at some stage (*v *ð *z *ɦ) in stressed syllables. In other | ||
| + | words, the voiced fricatives are the allophones of the voiceless ones | ||
| + | (but cf. Fulk 2002, 2022). The modern phonemic opposition between f -- v | ||
| + | (//fine// vs //vine//), s -- z (//seal// vs //zeal//), etc. is the result of a | ||
| + | number of diachronic processes (such as the loss of word-final vowels in | ||
| + | Middle English, as in // | ||
| + | containing word-initial v, as in //very//, //virtue//, the voicing of | ||
| + | fricatives in function words/ | ||
| + | less regular sources). The use of the feature voiceless/ | ||
| + | description of the obstruents of Old English needs reinterpretation | ||
| + | along fortis (marked)/ | ||
| + | from West Germanic, as well as the modern continuations of Old English. | ||
| + | It is only in the 16th century that we finally have some semi-direct | ||
| + | evidence from orthoepists and spelling reformers like Hart (1569) that | ||
| + | words like //plum// are pronounced with audible breathing (' | ||
| + | probably being the first description of a fortis aspirated stop. | ||
| + | |||
| + | However, simply translating voiceless fricatives into fortis fricatives | ||
| + | for (pre-)Old English is more problematic phonologically because now we | ||
| + | have fortis (i.e., marked) fricatives, and no lenis (i.e., unmarked) | ||
| + | fricatives in the system (cf. Honeybone 2005), which is unusual or | ||
| + | highly marked. No framework has fully considered (and worked out) the | ||
| + | opposite state of affairs, namely that Old English had lenis fricatives | ||
| + | (the unmarked series) that were phonetically devoiced word-initially | ||
| + | (//fōn//, phonologically /vo:n/ or / | ||
| + | word-finally (//hlāf// /ɦla:v/) and when next to a fortis sound (*æfter* | ||
| + | /avtər/), but (passively) voiced in intersonorant position in a stressed | ||
| + | syllable (//lofu// /lɔvu/), or when next to a lenis stop (*hæfde* | ||
| + | /ɦavdə/). It is no surprise that Old English orthography does not | ||
| + | distinguish the two series in any systematic way (the letter ⟨v⟩ | ||
| + | appearing only once in late Old English, <z> being unknown). One piece | ||
| + | of support for this claim comes from the pre-Old English merger of lenis | ||
| + | /v/ with the lenis labial stop in intervocalic positions (both found as | ||
| + | /v/, as in //oven, over//). | ||
| + | |||
| + | The full-blown consequences of this move for (pre-)Old English have to | ||
| + | be carefully examined and weighed, especially as they interact with some | ||
| + | of the well-established diachronic regularities (e.g., the distribution | ||
| + | of stops and fricatives). The question of //how// and //when// the phonemic | ||
| + | status of fricative fortis-lenis pairs came into existence needs | ||
| + | clarification too, as we can see from (near) doublets that both members | ||
| + | of the opposition (can) survive (or appear) in the same environment: | ||
| + | //fox -- vixen, phial -- vial, Asia// (with either ʃ or ʒ), //spinach// | ||
| + | (with either tʃ or dʒ). This must point to dialectal variation in the | ||
| + | phonetic realization of the lenis fricatives in Middle (as well as Old) | ||
| + | English, probably stemming from an already diversified continental, | ||
| + | Germanic area (cf. Lass 1991). | ||
| + | === 1.7. Non-regular laryngeal systems in non-standard English varieties | ||
| + | |||
| + | Like most Germanic languages, mainstream varieties of English (i.e., the | ||
| + | most well-known ones, including the standard accents) are unambiguously | ||
| + | classified as aspiration (fortis/ | ||
| + | taken to be a voice system, also exhibiting Regressive Voice | ||
| + | Assimilation; | ||
| + | however, appear to be RVA systems rather than aspiration languages, and | ||
| + | produce a tripartite typology of " | ||
| + | (Scottish English/ | ||
| + | asymmetrical with lenisness/ | ||
| + | English, Kerswill 1987, Harris 1994), and asymmetrical with | ||
| + | fortisness/ | ||
| + | Wells 1982, Whisker-Taylor & Clark 2019, etc.). At the same time, | ||
| + | Yorkshire English (but not the others) has aspiration, whereas Durham | ||
| + | English (but not the others) has cross-word pre-sonorant voicing | ||
| + | (Balogné Bérces 2022). Our research aims to clarify **the historical | ||
| + | emergence of this dialectal variation**, | ||
| + | phonetic correlates (with data analysis) realizing and phonological | ||
| + | representations (with theoretical modelling) underlying the attested | ||
| + | laryngeal typology. Besides, we will examine the possibility of an | ||
| + | alternative analysis of these laryngeal systems, in which the | ||
| + | phonological representation of the obstruent series is assumed to be | ||
| + | identical in all language types, with the difference lying in the | ||
| + | phonological processes operating on the laryngeal component of the | ||
| + | segments as well as in the phonetic realization of the obstruent | ||
| + | categories (see Őri 2020a, 2020b). This will hopefully contribute to the | ||
| + | Laryngeal Realism/ | ||
| + | |||
| + | == 2. Methodological aspects of the proposal | ||
| + | |||
| + | Data and data analysis are crucial in an experiment-based approach to | ||
| + | phonology. Therefore, it is important to highlight several issues | ||
| + | concerning data gathering and analysis in phonology. What experimental | ||
| + | methods introduce the least bias in perceptual experiments? | ||
| + | most problematic aspects of perceptual experiments is their sensitivity | ||
| + | to the research methods (e.g., force-choice "yes or no" tests bias | ||
| + | towards more categorical (and less gradient) responses). We aim to | ||
| + | address such methodological issues in this research, and propose | ||
| + | approaches that lessen bias. Data are " | ||
| + | phonological data are even " | ||
| + | are highly problematic for acoustic and perceptual data for two main | ||
| + | reasons: they have a high amount of speaker variation (both within and | ||
| + | between speakers) and so-called " | ||
| + | may introduce different responses for the same phonological context). | ||
| + | Such variation has to be built into the statistical model before we can | ||
| + | reliably infer phonological conclusions (Kirby & Sonderegger 2018). The | ||
| + | other reason why phonetic data are often problematic is due to the | ||
| + | relatively low sample size, which is because of the difficulty of | ||
| + | recruiting enough subjects. Low sample size usually results in low | ||
| + | statistical power, thus less reliable conclusions: | ||
| + | studies in linguistics and psychology are underpowered. We aim to | ||
| + | counteract this problem by using **more robust statistical models**, | ||
| + | such as linear mixed-effects regression (LMER) models and relying on | ||
| + | **computer data simulation** (Wilcox & Rousselet 2018) before using | ||
| + | " | ||
| + | previous literature in the field of laryngeal phonology (sample size | ||
| + | used, models fitted, etc.), first we will set up simulated data sets | ||
| + | with different sizes and fit different LMER models to them, varying the | ||
| + | random and fixed variables in them, and then run power analyses on each | ||
| + | in order to get at the minimal sample size that can still be used to | ||
| + | produce a sufficiently powered study that can reliably reject the given | ||
| + | null hypothesis of the experiment. Data simulation overall can help | ||
| + | researchers justify the sample size chosen for the given study, among | ||
| + | others, it can help establish the smallest effect size of interest, the | ||
| + | minimal effect size that will be statistically significant, | ||
| + | sizes that would be rejected based on a confidence interval around the | ||
| + | effect size, the ranges of effects a study has sufficient power to | ||
| + | detect based on a sensitivity power analysis, and the effect sizes that | ||
| + | are plausible in a specific research area (Maxwell et al. 2008, | ||
| + | Brysbaert & Stevens 2018). | ||
| + | Once the optimal minimal sample size has been arrived at based on | ||
| + | simulation, the experiment can proceed to collect real, nonsimulated | ||
| + | data of that sample size. If that is difficult to achieve by recruiting | ||
| + | enough participants, | ||
| + | are planning to develop and employ various **web-scraping techniques**. | ||
| + | As far as the English data are concerned, one such technique will | ||
| + | involve collecting data from YouGlish (https:// | ||
| + | automatically, | ||
| + | functionality. This method can generate a randomized list of videos for | ||
| + | each test item (words, phrases) containing their YouTube ID for each | ||
| + | occurrence, together with the start time where they can be found in the | ||
| + | video. It is also possible to categorize the collected videos for | ||
| + | dialect (American, British, and Australian), | ||
| + | gender of speaker, and context of word, based on the language tags of | ||
| + | YouGlish. With the help of the generated list of video links, clips of | ||
| + | specified length will be automatically batch-downloaded corresponding to | ||
| + | each research item. The audio files will be extracted from these video | ||
| + | clips and will be converted to uncompressed wav files. These sound files | ||
| + | will then be fed into Praat (https:// | ||
| + | various acoustic analyses relevant for the laryngeal investigations | ||
| + | (such as voicing durations, Voice Onset Time, segment durations, etc.). | ||
| + | An important advantage of this method is that it involves almost fully | ||
| + | automated batch data gathering, which saves a lot of time, leaves little | ||
| + | room for error, and makes it possible to potentially amass large | ||
| + | phonetic datasets. | ||
| + | As far as the **perception** experiments are concerned, we plan to carry | ||
| + | them out in person, or if that is not possible, via the internet. In | ||
| + | both cases, we will use Praat' | ||
| + | advantage that it can be run on the participant' | ||
| + | experiment leader does not need to be present in person, they can | ||
| + | live-monitor the progress of the experiment via the internet, too. The | ||
| + | advantage of this method is that it can run on all operating systems and | ||
| + | requires minimal training of the participant (Praat requires no | ||
| + | installation, | ||
| + | clicking on the computer screen). After completing the experiment, | ||
| + | participants will send the result files to us for analysis. | ||
| + | |||
| + | <!-- | ||
| + | == 3. Expected results of the research | ||
| + | |||
| + | The expected results of the project will be disseminated at conferences | ||
| + | (e.g., OCP, MFM, RFP, SinFonIJA, LabPhon), published papers, a volume of | ||
| + | papers collecting the results of the research, two workshops and a | ||
| + | freely available, highly customizable online pronouncing dictionary of | ||
| + | current British English. This already available dictionary | ||
| + | (http:// | ||
| + | most monomorphemic fricative+plosive clusters are now represented as | ||
| + | \[sb\], \[sd\], \[sɡ\], \[fd\] in it (the output can be toggled to hide | ||
| + | or show this analysis). However, if further experimental evidence | ||
| + | supports the claim that English is best analysed as lacking | ||
| + | fortis+fortis clusters within a morpheme altogether, then the database | ||
| + | has to be rehauled to reflect this fundamental reanalysis of the English | ||
| + | obstruent system. | ||
| + | |||
| + | == 4. The research team and funding | ||
| + | |||
| + | The research team includes two senior experts in experimental phonology | ||
| + | (Zsuzsanna Bárkányi and Zoltán G. Kiss), senior experts in theoretical | ||
| + | phonology (Katalin Balogné Bérces, Péter Szigetvári, | ||
| + | Törkenczy), | ||
| + | phonology (Attila Starčević) and L2/L3 research (Bálint Huszthy). A | ||
| + | pre-degree doctoral student (Péter Őri) completes the research team. | ||
| + | |||
| + | We need funding primarily for hiring one member of the team (Őri, | ||
| + | expected to earn his PhD degree in 2022), conference attendance of | ||
| + | participants, | ||
| + | volume, office supplies, and computer hardware. | ||
| + | --> | ||
| + | |||
| + | === References | ||
| + | |||
| + | Balogné Bérces, K. 2017. A News Feedem a Facebookon: fonológiaalapú | ||
| + | laringális nyelvtipológia. Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 113: 147--166. | ||
| + | |||
| + | Balogné Bérces, K. 2022. Accent boundaries and linguistic continua in | ||
| + | the laryngeal subsystems of English [Manuscript submitted for | ||
| + | publication]. PPCU Budapest. | ||
| + | |||
| + | Balogné Bérces, K. and B. Huszthy. 2018. Laryngeal Relativism predicts | ||
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