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- | = Laryngeal patterns in synchrony and diachrony | + | ~~NOTOC~~ |
research sponsored by NKFIH (#142498) | research sponsored by NKFIH (#142498) | ||
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: Attila Starčević | : Attila Starčević | ||
: Miklós Törkenczy | : Miklós Törkenczy | ||
+ | |||
+ | == 0. Background | ||
+ | |||
+ | **Laryngeal phonology** has experienced a significant surge in the past | ||
+ | decades. It has been discovered that the **two-way contrast of | ||
+ | obstruents** that many languages (e.g., English or Hungarian) exhibit | ||
+ | cannot simply be described in terms of " | ||
+ | categories (like aspiration and shortening of the preceding sonorant | ||
+ | interlude) are also at play. Therefore the labels " | ||
+ | are more appropriate. It causes some debate whether these categories | ||
+ | should be read off the sound signal (Laryngeal Realism; Harris 1994, | ||
+ | Honeybone 2002) or their identification should be based on phonological | ||
+ | patterns (Laryngeal Relativism; Cyran 2014). | ||
+ | |||
+ | Phonology itself has seen a significant change in the same period, which | ||
+ | includes the more rigorous **empirical testing** of phonological | ||
+ | hypotheses. The proposed research wishes to contribute to this | ||
+ | functional-experimental approach of phonology by including evidence | ||
+ | based on measuring both natural speech data and corpora of textual data. | ||
+ | Speech data, however, normally exhibit a great deal of **variation, | ||
+ | not only across individuals (inter-speaker variation) but also within | ||
+ | the data set coming from the same informant (intra-speaker variation), | ||
+ | therefore we expect our research to shed light on aspects of | ||
+ | **synchronic** language variation, too. Consequently, | ||
+ | analysis is an integral part of the proposal, the application of | ||
+ | **robust statistical models** will also be important to be able to make | ||
+ | well founded generalizations based on the collected sample data. | ||
+ | Methodologically, | ||
+ | practices in which decisions concerning data and data processing are | ||
+ | much more transparent (Roettger et al. 2019). | ||
+ | |||
+ | Laryngeal features and systems may also display **diachronic | ||
+ | variation**. Mainstream varieties of English seem to be historically | ||
+ | stable " | ||
+ | laryngeal specification of obstruents; however, a number of non-standard | ||
+ | **dialects** have developed patterns that deviate from the aspirating, | ||
+ | fortis/ | ||
+ | some are " | ||
+ | characterized by asymmetrical, | ||
+ | (Wells 1982, Harris 1994, Iverson & Salmons 1999). We contend that to | ||
+ | fully understand the typology of two-way obstruent contrast in languages | ||
+ | as well as the nature of linguistic variation, we need a systematic | ||
+ | description and analysis of this synchronic dialectal variation (cf. | ||
+ | Balogné Bérces 2017), the explanation of which may, in turn, reside in | ||
+ | its historical emergence (Blevins 2004). Since such " | ||
+ | of English seem to have typically arisen on the rims of English-speaking | ||
+ | areas (e.g., the Anglo-Scottish border and Scotland itself) and other | ||
+ | contexts of large-scale population mixing (e.g., southern US) where | ||
+ | heavy contact with other languages may have led to the blending of | ||
+ | typologically divergent laryngeal systems, the investigation of language | ||
+ | contact and the ensuing **transfer** of laryngeal features from one | ||
+ | language to another, i.e., in (second and third) **language | ||
+ | acquisition** becomes inevitable. | ||
+ | |||
+ | **Linguistic variation** has become much more accessible with the use of | ||
+ | computers than before. This development has significantly increased the | ||
+ | possibilities for investigating patterns of variation, which often turn | ||
+ | out to be crucial in understanding linguistic phenomena. We encounter | ||
+ | significant variability in different historical stages of languages, in | ||
+ | geographical and social varieties (dialects and sociolects), | ||
+ | in transfer phenomena in language learning. It is our intention to | ||
+ | examine all these domains of laryngeal variation. | ||
+ | |||
+ | == 1. Empirical and theoretical contributions of the research | ||
+ | |||
+ | The approach we propose advocates the view that aspects previously | ||
+ | believed to be strictly external (or only indirectly relevant) to | ||
+ | phonology, such as phonetics (articulation, | ||
+ | phonetic variation), have a more direct influence on phonological | ||
+ | competence and sound patterning in general. We will aim to build upon | ||
+ | the findings of the extensive and continuously growing body of evidence | ||
+ | provided in the phonetically-grounded " | ||
+ | literature, with a particular focus on the **acoustic correlates** of | ||
+ | phonological contrast and the role of **speech** **perception** in | ||
+ | contrast and its neutralization (Ohala 1983, Steriade 1997, 1999, 2000, | ||
+ | 2001, Hayes et al. 2004, Hume & Johnson 2001, Bod et al. 2003, Jansen | ||
+ | 2004, etc.), as well as further developing our own previous research in | ||
+ | this area (e.g., Kiss & Bárkányi 2006, Bárkányi & Kiss 2009, 2010, | ||
+ | Bárkányi & G. Kiss 2015, 2019, 2020, 2021, G. Kiss & Szigetvári 2020). | ||
+ | |||
+ | Our objective is to investigate, | ||
+ | evidence to the following specific research questions with a special | ||
+ | focus on **English and Hungarian.** | ||
+ | |||
+ | === 1.1. Reanalysing fortis and lenis | ||
+ | |||
+ | English has been a very well-studied language, yet rigorous | ||
+ | experiment-based evidence is still surprisingly lacking in the | ||
+ | description of its laryngeal phonology. Stops after fortis [s] are | ||
+ | said to be voiceless and unaspirated. Does this environment extend to | ||
+ | other fortis fricatives (such as [f] or [ʃ])? Our research proposes | ||
+ | to experimentally investigate the acoustic properties of stops in this | ||
+ | position. Furthermore, | ||
+ | an unstressed vowel? In words such as //piper, writer, hiker// the medial | ||
+ | stops are usually considered to be unaspirated, | ||
+ | (G. Kiss 2017) shows the opposite. Lindsey (2019) suggests that accents | ||
+ | (traditional RP, modern British English, and General American) differ in | ||
+ | this respect. We aim to more thoroughly investigate these issues, which | ||
+ | are highly relevant for the phonological classification of the English | ||
+ | obstruent system, as well as that of other " | ||
+ | show a markedly different laryngeal patterning from " | ||
+ | If our hypotheses are correct, most (perhaps all) fortis+fortis | ||
+ | obstruent clusters of English must be reanalysed as either fortis+lenis | ||
+ | or lenis+fortis, | ||
+ | as /katz/, and //left// as /levt/ (cf. similar claims made by Twaddell | ||
+ | 1935, Davidsen-Nielsen 1969, about s+C clusters and by Jones 1967 about | ||
+ | the plural suffix). This allows a significant simplification of the | ||
+ | plural, 3rd person present and of the past tense allomorphy of English | ||
+ | (Szigetvári 2020). A recent experiment suggests that the superficially | ||
+ | identical obstruent clusters in // | ||
+ | fact, different phonetically: | ||
+ | Szigetvári 2020). | ||
+ | |||
+ | === 1.2. The acoustic correlates of voicing | ||
+ | |||
+ | Which are the (articulatory and acoustic) phonetic parameters that are | ||
+ | **correlates of the laryngeal contrast** of obstruents in English vs. | ||
+ | Hungarian? Both languages display phonetic devoicing in word-final | ||
+ | position, and our previous results (Bárkányi & G. Kiss 2019, 2020) | ||
+ | suggest for Hungarian that in such a case, concomitant acoustic features | ||
+ | may step up to maintain the laryngeal contrast, most typically | ||
+ | duration-related correlates (such as the length of preceding vowels). | ||
+ | This is a pattern that English also displays (known as " | ||
+ | clipping", | ||
+ | 2007), but experimental evidence is still largely lacking about the | ||
+ | extent of the durational differences in the two languages (e.g., is the | ||
+ | clipping more extensive in English than in Hungarian? If so, what can be | ||
+ | the reason for that difference? Has it got to do with the difference | ||
+ | between the two laryngeal systems: fortis/ | ||
+ | Experimental evidence is also lacking for the role of other acoustic | ||
+ | correlates, such as glottalization, | ||
+ | features (f0 and F1), intensity (especially in the case of fricatives, | ||
+ | see (3) below), and the release noise of plosives. | ||
+ | |||
+ | === 1.3. Voicing assimilation in English vs. Hungarian | ||
+ | |||
+ | Our proposal accepts that English lenis obstruents (as opposed to | ||
+ | Hungarian voiced obstruents) do not trigger voicing assimilation | ||
+ | (e.g., //update// is not [bd]) because they lack a phonologically active | ||
+ | " | ||
+ | Balogné Bérces & Huszthy 2018). We aim to experimentally back up this | ||
+ | claim, with a special focus on fricatives, as they have been argued to | ||
+ | increase the phonetic voicing of a preceding obstruents (Jansen 2004), | ||
+ | although not causing neutralization. We would also like to investigate | ||
+ | the acoustic properties that maintain fricative contrast in English. If | ||
+ | fricatives cannot be aspirated and obstruents do not possess an active | ||
+ | voicing feature, the question remains what makes the contrast possible | ||
+ | in cases such as // | ||
+ | the categorical vs. gradient nature of laryngeal (partial) | ||
+ | neutralization. There is little agreement on the definition and | ||
+ | relevance of these two terms in the phonological literature (Ernestus | ||
+ | 2011) and so we aim to systematically investigate how a potentially | ||
+ | neutralizing process such as voicing assimilation can be classified to | ||
+ | be categorical or gradient/ | ||
+ | properties and statistical distribution of the correlates of laryngeal | ||
+ | contrast, and whether a phonetically gradient process can be relevant | ||
+ | for phonological patterning, which is supposed to be categorical in | ||
+ | nature (Warner et al. 2004, 2006, Ernestus & Baayen 2007). | ||
+ | |||
+ | === 1.4. The role of speech perception in contrast and neutralization | ||
+ | |||
+ | The functional approach of phonology argues that **speech perception** | ||
+ | plays a crucial role in shaping phonological systems (both synchronic | ||
+ | and diachronic). Our research hypothesis is that phonetic correlates are | ||
+ | only relevant to phonology as long as they are perceptually relevant, | ||
+ | too. Thus even if experimental evidence shows a statistically | ||
+ | significant difference between the acoustic correlates of phonological | ||
+ | voicing, if those differences are not systematically perceived by | ||
+ | speakers, they are not phonologically relevant. We aim to further | ||
+ | investigate the perceptual role of the correlates of laryngeal contrast | ||
+ | and its potential neutralization in the areas discussed in (1), (2) and | ||
+ | (3), especially in the case of voicing assimilation, | ||
+ | underresearched domain of speech perception research (Bárkányi & G. Kiss | ||
+ | 2019). | ||
+ | |||
+ | === 1.5 The transfer of laryngeal features in (second and third) language acquisition | ||
+ | |||
+ | Several different theories have been proposed to tackle the question of | ||
+ | how already acquired linguistic systems (L1 and L2) influence the | ||
+ | acquisition of successive languages. These fall into two main | ||
+ | categories: those that predict the wholesale transfer of features from | ||
+ | one of the earlier acquired languages (e.g. Bardel & Falk 2007, Rothman | ||
+ | 2010, 2011, 2015), and those that hypothesize property-by-property | ||
+ | transfer where different features may be transferred from different | ||
+ | sources (e.g. Slabakova 2017, Westergaard et al. 2017). It is not clear | ||
+ | either whether it is the L1, the more dominant or the more similar | ||
+ | language with regard to the features in question that are transferred to | ||
+ | L3 (e.g. Khul & Iverson 1995). | ||
+ | |||
+ | To date, most experimental evidence in support of the mentioned theories | ||
+ | relate to morphosyntactic phenomena, while the transfer of phonological | ||
+ | features to L3 remains relatively understudied. As for the acquisition | ||
+ | of voicing by adult learners, a number of studies deal with L2 English | ||
+ | or L2 Spanish in the production of native speakers of English. Other | ||
+ | interlanguages are much less explored. Studies on L3 laryngeal systems | ||
+ | are scarce (Simon & Leuschner 2010) . | ||
+ | |||
+ | Since Hungarian and English represent different voicing systems (true | ||
+ | voice language with regressive voicing assimilation vs. aspirating | ||
+ | language with progressive voicing assimilation), | ||
+ | the related phonological properties provide suitable testing ground for | ||
+ | the predictions of the above-mentioned models. We aim to analyse the | ||
+ | speech of native Hungarian learners who are proficient L2 English | ||
+ | speakers in L3 German (aspirating language with progressive voicing | ||
+ | assimilation) and L3 Spanish (voicing language with RVA and partial | ||
+ | sonorant voicing). | ||
+ | |||
+ | === 1.6 The diachronic aspect of laryngeal features of earlier English | ||
+ | |||
+ | Lass (1975, 2000) and Ringe & Taylor (2014) claim that (pre-)Old English | ||
+ | had phonemically opposing voiceless and voiced stops (p b/v t d k g/ɣ), | ||
+ | as well as voiceless fricatives (*f *θ *s *h), but no voiced | ||
+ | fricatives phonologically, | ||
+ | voicing at some stage (*v *ð *z *ɦ) in stressed syllables. In other | ||
+ | words, the voiced fricatives are the allophones of the voiceless ones | ||
+ | (but cf. Fulk 2002, 2022). The modern phonemic opposition between f -- v | ||
+ | (//fine// vs //vine//), s -- z (//seal// vs //zeal//), etc. is the result of a | ||
+ | number of diachronic processes (such as the loss of word-final vowels in | ||
+ | Middle English, as in // | ||
+ | containing word-initial v, as in //very//, //virtue//, the voicing of | ||
+ | fricatives in function words/ | ||
+ | less regular sources). The use of the feature voiceless/ | ||
+ | description of the obstruents of Old English needs reinterpretation | ||
+ | along fortis (marked)/ | ||
+ | from West Germanic, as well as the modern continuations of Old English. | ||
+ | It is only in the 16th century that we finally have some semi-direct | ||
+ | evidence from orthoepists and spelling reformers like Hart (1569) that | ||
+ | words like //plum// are pronounced with audible breathing (' | ||
+ | probably being the first description of a fortis aspirated stop. | ||
+ | |||
+ | However, simply translating voiceless fricatives into fortis fricatives | ||
+ | for (pre-)Old English is more problematic phonologically because now we | ||
+ | have fortis (i.e., marked) fricatives, and no lenis (i.e., unmarked) | ||
+ | fricatives in the system (cf. Honeybone 2005), which is unusual or | ||
+ | highly marked. No framework has fully considered (and worked out) the | ||
+ | opposite state of affairs, namely that Old English had lenis fricatives | ||
+ | (the unmarked series) that were phonetically devoiced word-initially | ||
+ | (//fōn//, phonologically /vo:n/ or / | ||
+ | word-finally (//hlāf// /ɦla:v/) and when next to a fortis sound (*æfter* | ||
+ | /avtər/), but (passively) voiced in intersonorant position in a stressed | ||
+ | syllable (//lofu// /lɔvu/), or when next to a lenis stop (*hæfde* | ||
+ | /ɦavdə/). It is no surprise that Old English orthography does not | ||
+ | distinguish the two series in any systematic way (the letter ⟨v⟩ | ||
+ | appearing only once in late Old English, <z> being unknown). One piece | ||
+ | of support for this claim comes from the pre-Old English merger of lenis | ||
+ | /v/ with the lenis labial stop in intervocalic positions (both found as | ||
+ | /v/, as in //oven, over//). | ||
+ | |||
+ | The full-blown consequences of this move for (pre-)Old English have to | ||
+ | be carefully examined and weighed, especially as they interact with some | ||
+ | of the well-established diachronic regularities (e.g., the distribution | ||
+ | of stops and fricatives). The question of //how// and //when// the phonemic | ||
+ | status of fricative fortis-lenis pairs came into existence needs | ||
+ | clarification too, as we can see from (near) doublets that both members | ||
+ | of the opposition (can) survive (or appear) in the same environment: | ||
+ | //fox -- vixen, phial -- vial, Asia// (with either ʃ or ʒ), //spinach// | ||
+ | (with either tʃ or dʒ). This must point to dialectal variation in the | ||
+ | phonetic realization of the lenis fricatives in Middle (as well as Old) | ||
+ | English, probably stemming from an already diversified continental, | ||
+ | Germanic area (cf. Lass 1991). | ||
+ | === 1.7. Non-regular laryngeal systems in non-standard English varieties | ||
+ | |||
+ | Like most Germanic languages, mainstream varieties of English (i.e., the | ||
+ | most well-known ones, including the standard accents) are unambiguously | ||
+ | classified as aspiration (fortis/ | ||
+ | taken to be a voice system, also exhibiting Regressive Voice | ||
+ | Assimilation; | ||
+ | however, appear to be RVA systems rather than aspiration languages, and | ||
+ | produce a tripartite typology of " | ||
+ | (Scottish English/ | ||
+ | asymmetrical with lenisness/ | ||
+ | English, Kerswill 1987, Harris 1994), and asymmetrical with | ||
+ | fortisness/ | ||
+ | Wells 1982, Whisker-Taylor & Clark 2019, etc.). At the same time, | ||
+ | Yorkshire English (but not the others) has aspiration, whereas Durham | ||
+ | English (but not the others) has cross-word pre-sonorant voicing | ||
+ | (Balogné Bérces 2022). Our research aims to clarify **the historical | ||
+ | emergence of this dialectal variation**, | ||
+ | phonetic correlates (with data analysis) realizing and phonological | ||
+ | representations (with theoretical modelling) underlying the attested | ||
+ | laryngeal typology. Besides, we will examine the possibility of an | ||
+ | alternative analysis of these laryngeal systems, in which the | ||
+ | phonological representation of the obstruent series is assumed to be | ||
+ | identical in all language types, with the difference lying in the | ||
+ | phonological processes operating on the laryngeal component of the | ||
+ | segments as well as in the phonetic realization of the obstruent | ||
+ | categories (see Őri 2020a, 2020b). This will hopefully contribute to the | ||
+ | Laryngeal Realism/ | ||
+ | |||
+ | == 2. Methodological aspects of the proposal | ||
+ | |||
+ | Data and data analysis are crucial in an experiment-based approach to | ||
+ | phonology. Therefore, it is important to highlight several issues | ||
+ | concerning data gathering and analysis in phonology. What experimental | ||
+ | methods introduce the least bias in perceptual experiments? | ||
+ | most problematic aspects of perceptual experiments is their sensitivity | ||
+ | to the research methods (e.g., force-choice "yes or no" tests bias | ||
+ | towards more categorical (and less gradient) responses). We aim to | ||
+ | address such methodological issues in this research, and propose | ||
+ | approaches that lessen bias. Data are " | ||
+ | phonological data are even " | ||
+ | are highly problematic for acoustic and perceptual data for two main | ||
+ | reasons: they have a high amount of speaker variation (both within and | ||
+ | between speakers) and so-called " | ||
+ | may introduce different responses for the same phonological context). | ||
+ | Such variation has to be built into the statistical model before we can | ||
+ | reliably infer phonological conclusions (Kirby & Sonderegger 2018). The | ||
+ | other reason why phonetic data are often problematic is due to the | ||
+ | relatively low sample size, which is because of the difficulty of | ||
+ | recruiting enough subjects. Low sample size usually results in low | ||
+ | statistical power, thus less reliable conclusions: | ||
+ | studies in linguistics and psychology are underpowered. We aim to | ||
+ | counteract this problem by using **more robust statistical models**, | ||
+ | such as linear mixed-effects regression (LMER) models and relying on | ||
+ | **computer data simulation** (Wilcox & Rousselet 2018) before using | ||
+ | " | ||
+ | previous literature in the field of laryngeal phonology (sample size | ||
+ | used, models fitted, etc.), first we will set up simulated data sets | ||
+ | with different sizes and fit different LMER models to them, varying the | ||
+ | random and fixed variables in them, and then run power analyses on each | ||
+ | in order to get at the minimal sample size that can still be used to | ||
+ | produce a sufficiently powered study that can reliably reject the given | ||
+ | null hypothesis of the experiment. Data simulation overall can help | ||
+ | researchers justify the sample size chosen for the given study, among | ||
+ | others, it can help establish the smallest effect size of interest, the | ||
+ | minimal effect size that will be statistically significant, | ||
+ | sizes that would be rejected based on a confidence interval around the | ||
+ | effect size, the ranges of effects a study has sufficient power to | ||
+ | detect based on a sensitivity power analysis, and the effect sizes that | ||
+ | are plausible in a specific research area (Maxwell et al. 2008, | ||
+ | Brysbaert & Stevens 2018). | ||
+ | Once the optimal minimal sample size has been arrived at based on | ||
+ | simulation, the experiment can proceed to collect real, nonsimulated | ||
+ | data of that sample size. If that is difficult to achieve by recruiting | ||
+ | enough participants, | ||
+ | are planning to develop and employ various **web-scraping techniques**. | ||
+ | As far as the English data are concerned, one such technique will | ||
+ | involve collecting data from YouGlish (https:// | ||
+ | automatically, | ||
+ | functionality. This method can generate a randomized list of videos for | ||
+ | each test item (words, phrases) containing their YouTube ID for each | ||
+ | occurrence, together with the start time where they can be found in the | ||
+ | video. It is also possible to categorize the collected videos for | ||
+ | dialect (American, British, and Australian), | ||
+ | gender of speaker, and context of word, based on the language tags of | ||
+ | YouGlish. With the help of the generated list of video links, clips of | ||
+ | specified length will be automatically batch-downloaded corresponding to | ||
+ | each research item. The audio files will be extracted from these video | ||
+ | clips and will be converted to uncompressed wav files. These sound files | ||
+ | will then be fed into Praat (https:// | ||
+ | various acoustic analyses relevant for the laryngeal investigations | ||
+ | (such as voicing durations, Voice Onset Time, segment durations, etc.). | ||
+ | An important advantage of this method is that it involves almost fully | ||
+ | automated batch data gathering, which saves a lot of time, leaves little | ||
+ | room for error, and makes it possible to potentially amass large | ||
+ | phonetic datasets. | ||
+ | As far as the **perception** experiments are concerned, we plan to carry | ||
+ | them out in person, or if that is not possible, via the internet. In | ||
+ | both cases, we will use Praat' | ||
+ | advantage that it can be run on the participant' | ||
+ | experiment leader does not need to be present in person, they can | ||
+ | live-monitor the progress of the experiment via the internet, too. The | ||
+ | advantage of this method is that it can run on all operating systems and | ||
+ | requires minimal training of the participant (Praat requires no | ||
+ | installation, | ||
+ | clicking on the computer screen). After completing the experiment, | ||
+ | participants will send the result files to us for analysis. | ||
+ | |||
+ | <!-- | ||
+ | == 3. Expected results of the research | ||
+ | |||
+ | The expected results of the project will be disseminated at conferences | ||
+ | (e.g., OCP, MFM, RFP, SinFonIJA, LabPhon), published papers, a volume of | ||
+ | papers collecting the results of the research, two workshops and a | ||
+ | freely available, highly customizable online pronouncing dictionary of | ||
+ | current British English. This already available dictionary | ||
+ | (http:// | ||
+ | most monomorphemic fricative+plosive clusters are now represented as | ||
+ | \[sb\], \[sd\], \[sɡ\], \[fd\] in it (the output can be toggled to hide | ||
+ | or show this analysis). However, if further experimental evidence | ||
+ | supports the claim that English is best analysed as lacking | ||
+ | fortis+fortis clusters within a morpheme altogether, then the database | ||
+ | has to be rehauled to reflect this fundamental reanalysis of the English | ||
+ | obstruent system. | ||
+ | |||
+ | == 4. The research team and funding | ||
+ | |||
+ | The research team includes two senior experts in experimental phonology | ||
+ | (Zsuzsanna Bárkányi and Zoltán G. Kiss), senior experts in theoretical | ||
+ | phonology (Katalin Balogné Bérces, Péter Szigetvári, | ||
+ | Törkenczy), | ||
+ | phonology (Attila Starčević) and L2/L3 research (Bálint Huszthy). A | ||
+ | pre-degree doctoral student (Péter Őri) completes the research team. | ||
+ | |||
+ | We need funding primarily for hiring one member of the team (Őri, | ||
+ | expected to earn his PhD degree in 2022), conference attendance of | ||
+ | participants, | ||
+ | volume, office supplies, and computer hardware. | ||
+ | --> | ||
+ | |||
+ | === References | ||
+ | |||
+ | Balogné Bérces, K. 2017. A News Feedem a Facebookon: fonológiaalapú | ||
+ | laringális nyelvtipológia. Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 113: 147--166. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Balogné Bérces, K. 2022. Accent boundaries and linguistic continua in | ||
+ | the laryngeal subsystems of English [Manuscript submitted for | ||
+ | publication]. PPCU Budapest. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Balogné Bérces, K. and B. Huszthy. 2018. Laryngeal Relativism predicts | ||
+ | Italian. Yearbook of the Poznań Linguistic Meeting 4: 153--177. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Bardel, C. and Y. Falk. 2007. The role of the second language in third | ||
+ | language acquisition: | ||
+ | Research 23: 459--484. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Bárkányi, Zs. and Z. G. Kiss. 2015. Why do sonorants not voice in | ||
+ | Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak? In: K. É. Kiss, B. Surányi | ||
+ | and É. Dékány (eds.): Approaches to Hungarian 14. Papers from the 2013 | ||
+ | Piliscsaba Conference. Amsterdam & New York: John Benjamins. 65--94. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Bárkányi, Zs. and Z. G. Kiss. 2019. A fonetikai korrelátumok szerepe a | ||
+ | zöngekontraszt fenntartásában: | ||
+ | eredmények. Általános Nyelvészeti Tanulmányok 31: 57--102. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Bárkányi, Zs. and Z. G. Kiss. 2020. Neutralisation and contrast | ||
+ | preservation: | ||
+ | clusters. Linguistic Variation 20.1: 56--83. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Bárkányi, Zs. and Z. G. Kiss. 2021. The perception of voicing contrast | ||
+ | in assimilation contexts in minimal pairs: Evidence from Hungarian. | ||
+ | Acta Linguistica Academica 68.1--2: 207--229. | ||
+ | |||
+ | Bárkányi, Zs. and Z. Kiss. 2009. Hungarian v: Is it voiced? In: R. M. | ||
+ | Vago and M. van Dikken (eds.): Approaches to Hungarian 11. Papers from | ||
+ | the 2007 New York Conference. Amsterdam & New York: John Benjamins. | ||
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