; time : Tue 12:00–13:30 ; place : R442 ; homework : assigned weekly, to be sent to by 8pm Monday before the next class, please send [[wp>plain text]] (not PDF, DOC(X), JPG, etc), e.g., write your answers in the body of your message; see [[#tasks]] below ; feedback : https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSe07D9Bpf3Byu_AvD1LsuYvF85Qa01-X5tpkSLT3SrGNgztOw/viewform == schedule === 28 Feb intro, what is this all about? === 7 Mar how Kahn (1976) builds a syllable and where this fails: Rule IIa precedes Rule IIb: onset maximization; Rule III creates ambisyllabicity (since words do not end in a short vowel, syllables are believed to not end in a short vowel either); the set of consonant clusters possible in an onset is somewhat arbitrary === 14 Mar binary features, why sounds are not atomic, scales defined by binary features (feature cooccurrence restrictions: *[+high,+low]; *[−son,−cons]); the autosegmental view of phonological representations; sonority as a scale, expressing natural classes in the sonority scale; sonority distance in clusters === 21 Mar different versions of the sonority hierarchy, very detailed sonority scales are also expected to reflect (consonant) lenition paths; Clements derives the sonority scale from binary features (unlike Selkirk) accompanied by feature coocurrence restrictions; the feature syllabic is not a binary feature linked to segments, but a property derived from the CV skeleton (C=[−syll], V=[+syll]) === 28 Mar sonority dispersion: the lenght and the curve of the sonority plot iniinitial and final demisyllables; problems: how can French not have GV but have V initial demisyllables when the latter is more marked?; in final demisyllables: though VLO is supposed to be least marked, VNO is more common; underlying vs. surface representations === 4 Apr sonority “subsets” (all sounds > sonorants > vowels); restrictions on which subset may be syllabic, moraic; syllable weight; typology: CVV is always heavy, CVC may be light or heavy, CV is light; distinction between CVS and CVO; closed syllable shortening === 11 Apr Zec's moraicity syllabicity scales can be complemented with a stressability scale (in English) === 18 Apr a recapitulation of previous readings: why we need syllables (natural classes); sonority in syllabification; sonority dispersion in initial and final demisyllables; superheavy syllables, degenerate syllables === 25 Apr the skeleton; segmenthood and problems; compensatory lengthening and problems; locality and problems === 2 May the maximal syllable that never occurs; what shows that s+C is not tautosyllabic; what shows that postconsonantal yod is not a vowel; the similarity of word-internal and word-final CC clusters === 9 May the untenability of the Uniform Boundary Principle, uncertainty about possible word-initial and -final clusters; syllabification is not required for most things it used for === 16 May //test// == tasks === due 6 Mar read chapter 1 (pp. 20–67) of Kahn 1976 syllabify the following words using K's rules: //astronaut, structural, lambda, angry, anxious, anxiety// (do not forget that you have to syllabify pronounced — not spelt — forms: look up and transcribe the words first), explain which rule provides which association line, mention problems if you encounter any === due 13 Mar read Selkirk 1984 and answer the following questions # why is it problematic to exclude the feature [±syllabic] from among major class features? # find the typo in (9) (on p. 115) # what is minimum sonority difference? show examples # what is the English syllable template schema according to Selkirk? illustrate with examples # how does Selkirk analyse s+C clusters? # what is the difference between the sets of segments that may occupy R1 position in English and Spanish? # what inhibits an obstruent+glide+nasal syllable in Spanish? === due 20 Mar read Clements 1990: 283–302 and answer the following questions # how is Jespersen's sonority hierarchy different from that of Selkirk? # why does Clements use the feature [±vocoid] instead of the well-established [±consonantal]? # why does Clements use the feature [±approximant] instead of [±vocalic]? # what does a redundancy rule like [−sonorant] → [−approximant] entail by contraposition? # what is the condition for defining a hierachy in a binary-feature system? # compare Kahn's rules I and II with Clements' Core Syllabification Principle (CSP) === due 27 Mar read Clements 1990: 302–333 and answer the following questions # what novelty does Clements formalize about the sonority relations at the two edges of the syllable? # what is a demisyllable? # how is the sonority dispersion of a demisyllable calculated? (don't give the formula, explain it) # what is the problem with the V initial demisyllable? # how does the maximal onset principle follow from the ideal sonority dispersion within a syllable? # what is Clements' argument against Selkirk-type sonority distance constraints? # what is Clements' problem with Prince languages? (what are Prince languages anyway?) === due 3 Apr read Zec 1995: 85–107 and answer the following questions # what features produce the sonority hierarchy according to Zec? # what are sonority classes? how are they different from a sonority scale? # why is the /l/ moraic in //bell,// but not in //bellicose//? # what is Osthoff’s law? what does it show us? === due 10 Apr read Zec 1995: 108–124 and answer the following questions # give the syllabicity and the moraicity constraints for English, Lithuanian, and Lardil # what is the difference between lexical and postlexical vowel lengthening in Lithuanian? # how is the Kwakwala moraicity constraint different from that of Lithuanian? # what is an “edge constraint”? how is it different from a moraicity constraint? # what happens to a language without any syllabicity or moraicity constraint? === due 17 Apr read Aoun 1979 and answer the following questions # what is a "superheavy" syllable and why is it problematic? # what is a "degenerate" syllable and why do you think it is problematic? # what do "ultima" and "penultima" and "antepenultima" mean? # what is a "foot"? # where do superheavy syllables occur in Cairene Arabic? and Lebanese Arabic? # is the last consonant in a superheavy syllable an onset or a coda in Arabic? === due 24 Apr read Harris 1994: 32–52 and answer the following questions # what is the "skeletal tier" in a phonological representation? # what are the problems with the two-step linear analysis of compensatory lengthening? # why would Harris think compensatory lengthening like Old Hungarian [utu] 'road' > Modern Hungarian [uut] should be impossible? what principle does this change contravene? # how do English stress facts show that affricates are monosegmental? how do onsets suggest that they are not? # why does Harris deny that the syllable is a constituent? # what is the domain of phonotactic constraints? === due 1 May read Harris 1994: 53–84 # what facts argue that sC clusters are heterosyllabic? # what data suggest that postconsonantal [j] was earlier part of the following nucleus? # what data suggest that postconsonantal [j] is now part of an onset? # what facts argue for the constituenthood of the rhyme? # what facts argue against the constituenthood of the coda? # what conditions have to be satisfied in a superheavy rhyme in English? === due 8 May read Szigetvári 2019 # mention some cases where Wells's syllabifications are inconsistent # why does Wells maximize codas (instead of onsets like others)? # the stressed vowel in //Hudson// [hə́dsən] is shorter than that in //Pudsey// [pə́dzij]; why is this a problem for Wells? # why is the Wellsian syllabification of //atoll// problematic? # what is the environment of aspiration in English if we adopt Lowenstamm's proposal that "branching onsets" are single segments? == record ^ ^''BE''^''CB''^''DM''^''E0''^''E4''^''EA''^''II''^''P7''^''QX''^''S9''^''TB''^''UN''^''W0''^''XS''^ ^ 28Feb | | | | | | | ^ | | ^ | | | | ^ 7Mar | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | | ✓ | ^ | | ✓ | ✓ | | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ^ 14Mar | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ ^ ✓ | ^ 21Mar | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | | | ✓ | | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ^ 28Mar ^ ✓ ^ ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ ^ | ^ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ ^ ✓ | ✓ ^ | ^ 4Apr | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | | | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ ^ ✓ | ✓ | | ^ 11Apr | ✓ ^ | ✓ | ^ ✓ ^ ✓ | | ✓ ^ | | ✓ | ✓ ^ | | ^ 18Apr | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ ^ ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ^ | ✓ ^ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | | ^ 25Apr | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ^ ^ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | | ^ 2May ^ | ✓ | ✓ | | ✓ | | ^ | | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | | | ^ 9May | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ ^ | ✓ | ✓ | ^ ^ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ ^ | legend: shading = absence, tick = homework okay == references Youssef Aoun. 1979. Is the syllable or the supersyllable a constituent? MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 1:140–148. [[this>_media/Aoun79.pdf|get]] George N. Clements. 1990. The role of the sonority cycle in core syllabification. In John Kingston and Mary E. Beckman (eds.), Papers in laboratory phonology I: Between the grammar and the physics of speech, Cambridge: CUP. 283–333. [[this>_media/clements-1990.pdf|get]] John Harris. 1994. English sound structure. Oxford: Blackwell, chapter 2. [[this>_media/harris1994.pdf|get]] Daniel Kahn. 1976. Syllable-based generalizations in English phonology. PhD diss, MIT (Garland, 1980). [[this>_media/kahn76-thesis.pdf|get]] Elisabeth O. Selkirk. 1984. On the major class features and syllable theory. In Mark Aronoff and Richard T. Oehrle (eds.), Language and sound structure, Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. 107–136. [[this>_media/selkirk-1984.pdf|get]] Péter Szigetvári. 2019. Where are syllables? Radical: A Journal of Phonology 1: 92–125. [[http://radical.cnrs.fr/szigetvari-where-are-syllables/|get]] Draga Zec. 1995. Sonority constraints on syllable structure. Phonology 12:85–129. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675700002396